History

Fr. Johannes L. Jacobse: Liberty


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Statue of Liberty

I love my country and over twenty years ago I wrote an essay expressing my gratitude to her. It was one of the first pieces I every published and describes immigrating to America when I was a young boy.

May God this great country from those who would do harm both within and without.

“Wake up,” my father whispered. “We’re almost there.”

It was a cold March morning. I was six years old. My family was sailing from The Hague, bound for New York,a single Dutch family aboard a ship crowded with Hungarians in exodus from their abortive revolution.

The voyage had been thrilling, at least to the wide eyes of a six-year-old. My parents, my two sisters, my brother, and I had spent the trip in a cabin the size of a small bedroom, but I had enjoyed virtual free run of the ship and its seemingly endless maze of hallways. We roamed for hours at a time, peering behind each open door. Occasionally, a Hungarian family would invite us into their cabin. There we would sit, not understanding a word that was spoken, but basking in the warmth of welcoming smiles.

One night, during a storm, the steamer’s engine failed. The ship began to drift. My father took me to the bridge, where we watched the great waves slam rhythmically against the bow, the ship lurching high on the crest of each mountainous wave and plummeting deep into the valley of the next.

The ship was tempest-tossed. Crew members raced about hauling huge coils of rope, with which they secured everything that wasn’t nailed down. Many of them disappeared into the cavernous dining room; I decided to investigate. Behind the dining-room door I saw the largest web of rope ever spun. Chairs were tied to tables, tables to walls. Nothing moved.

That night, the crew issued sideboards and harnesses to every family. I wore a harness, which was dipped to the cabin wall to keep me from being thrown out of my bunk as the ship heaved and rolled.

The storm lasted but one day; the rest of the voyage was calm and uneventful. Yet aboard that ship was a pervasive sense of uneasiness, loneliness, even anguish, all of which, I now realize, had less to do with fear of the sea than with the violent uprooting of lives, and with the uncertainties awaiting us in our new lives and new country.

My parents had been deeply shaken by the horrors of World War II: the havoc wrought by conquerors and liberators alike, the occupation of their homeland, the barbarism of Hitler’s “final solution” for their Jewish friends and neighbors. My father had served in the Dutch resistance movement, had for a time been imprisoned in a concentration camp from which he escaped.

Eleven years after VE Day, he led his family to America not so much in search of a better life as in flight from a life that had lost its loveliness.

I shivered as I stood on deck beside my father. It slowly dawned on me that we had entered New York harbor, that this day was to be the last of our voyage. I listened to the blasts of foghorns and the chugging of tugboats. The harbor was shrouded in late, winter fog. America, it seemed, was to be a gray, wet world. My father pointed to a faint shadow in the distance.

“There it is,” he said. “It” materialized out of the fog, an enormous statue of a woman holding a torch. “It’s the Statue of Liberty,” my father said. “Always remember this, because it’s important.”

Liberty. Justice. Equality. A six-year old does not understand such words. He does not know that history bears witness to but a precious few societies that have nurtured such principles, and to a tragic many that have mocked them. What he does understand is that when his father tells him something is important, it usually is. And so I have remembered.

Last summer, I saw the Statue of Liberty again, in the company of my wife and my parents. We took a ferry from Manhattan. As it pulled away from the pier, I climbed alone to the uppermost deck and stood among the sightseers. En route to my perch, I heard at least seven different languages.

Our first years in America were difficult, although we children never really knew it. We adapted swiftly, learning English in about one month by playing with the other children in our neighborhood. By 1962, my parents, too, had made a home of their new country, and we at last settled down in suburban Eden Prairie, Minnesota. That same year, we became American citizens. Now I stood once again on the deck of a ship, amid foreigners speaking strange tongues and staring in awe at the Manhattan skyline and the world’s most potent symbol of freedom and new beginnings.

The great lady seemed remarkably unchanged by the years, or by the remarkable changes I have undergone. She remains an imposing figure, and a graceful one. Her robes cascade like a waterfall; her torch is held confidently high; she is frozen in mid-step, a portrait of resolve. (Physically, the years have been something of a trial for Liberty; she is now undergoing a two-year restoration.)

As we docked at Liberty Island, I rejoined my wife and my parents. We climbed to Liberty’s crown (an exhausting but inspiring exercise that yields one of the best views of the city), then went to visit the museum at her feet.

The museum is one large, winding hallway that chronicles the history of American immigration. The forced immigration of millions of black Africans (a disgraceful episode of which only a free society would dare remind itself) is reviewed first documented with slave ship drawings and diagrams, handcuffs and chains, personal histories.

Farther on, we came upon the area devoted to the great European migration. Between 1840 and 1940, more than 34 million Europeans resettled in the United States – the greatest migration of human beings in history. America allowed unrestricted immigration until 1921; since then, we have become ever more selective about who may enter.

The pictures that hang from the museum’s walls show hundreds of weary immigrants passing before the watchful eyes of doctors and Customs officials. In 1915, my wife’s Greek grandmother limped past those doctors. They stopped her, and refused her entry until her brother explained that her affliction was the legacy of a childhood accident, not a congenital defect. Others were less fortunate. When officials rejected a would be immigrant, families were confronted with a soul-shattering choice: to abandon their dreams of a new life, or to send a loved one back home, alone.

The photographs tell a dramatic story Immigrants hobble wobbly-legged down gangplanks, carrying everything they own in one suitcase. Many wear their best clothes; this is the most important day of their lives. Nervousness and worry crease many faces. Most of them have no friends in America, and no relatives, and nowhere to go.

Our stroll through the museum was solemn and, for the most part, silent. There is very little that one can say when confronted with the sort of courage illustrated there — especially when one has experienced the immigrant’s fears, confusions, and second thoughts firsthand.

Back on the ferry I asked my father if he remembered leading me onto the deck that cold March morning. Stupid question. My thoughts turned to my kinship with the millions of others who passed through these waters before me, the millions who have followed me, and the millions more who still dream, often in vain, of a new life in a new land.

This article was published in Twin Cities Magazine. It was written before the Statute of Liberty Museum was moved to Ellis Island.

Church vs. Reich


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What happened to Christians under the Nazi Regime? The traditionalists went to concentration camps, many fell away and adopted the Nazi neo-paganism, and some clergy actively supported the Third Reich. From the essay:

[T]he persecution of the Church was camouflaged as “positive Christianity,” which claimed through the use of quotations from the Bible to be fulfilling God’s commandments: “They thus built up an enormous propaganda-machine, which resulted in a general inflation of values, because it sanctified anything it wanted to, so that finally nothing remained sacred” (p. 98). Only then did the full persecution come.

Source: The Living Church | Leander S. Harding

Man’s Disorder and God’s Design, published by Harper and Brothers in 1948, is a remarkable collection of essays prepared for the first assembly of the World Council of Churches at Amsterdam. The authors include some of the most respected theological voices of the 20th century: Karl Barth, H. Richard Niebuhr, George Florovsky, Gustaf Aulén, and Lesslie Newbigin. Sober reflection on what European churches learned from Nazi persecution and the war years is a dominant theme in the book.

A powerful section, “The Shame and the Glory of the Church,” provides one of the most moving accounts of Church life which I have ever read, written by Edmund Schlink, who was a professor of systematic theology at Heidelberg. This essay on the life of the Church under Hitler speaks, as the editors say, “for the Church upon whom fell the first and the hardest part of the struggle to manifest God’s glory amidst man’s disorder” (p. 77).

Schlink reminds us that at first the persecution of the Church was camouflaged as “positive Christianity,” which claimed through the use of quotations from the Bible to be fulfilling God’s commandments: “They thus built up an enormous propaganda-machine, which resulted in a general inflation of values, because it sanctified anything it wanted to, so that finally nothing remained sacred” (p. 98). Only then did the full persecution come. The Nazis shut down the Church’s influence on public life, banned the printing of Bibles and hymnbooks, prohibited large Church assemblies, and pressured men and young people to join the party. Theological faculties atrophied, hundreds of evangelical pastors and Roman Catholic priests were sent to the camps, some to suffer martyrdom, and “even the women and children who went to church were watched” (p. 98).

Schlink reports that there was a great falling-off among Christians. Many people became ashamed of the name of Christ and stopped attending church. Some preferred the neo-pagan ceremonies offered by the state to baptism and marriage in the Church. “Families were torn asunder: children denounced their parents, husbands opposed their wives, brothers and sisters took opposite sides in the cleavage between faith and error. Love grew cold in many hearts. Its place was taken by delusions and hardness of heart” (p. 98). The defections reached into the clergy: “Many became preachers of the anti-Christian myth and entered the service of the Nazis to replace the loyal pastors and church leaders that had been deprived of office. Many became false teachers and then persecutors of the Church” (p. 98).

For Schlink, even more stunning than the apostasy was “the way in which it was usually taken for granted with an easy conscience. When the Nazi philosophy began to influence Christians, many of them did not even notice that this Nazi talk about ‘the Almighty’ and His ‘providence’ had nothing to do with the Living God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, but that it was directly opposed to Him. … It became evident that people were not all that clear about Christian teaching. In many churches, even before the Nazi regime, preaching had become an arbitrary religious explanation of personal destiny and world events. Otherwise, when the crucial moment came, it would have been impossible for a man of our own time to gain such an ascendancy and for him, with his personal philosophy, to become the object of such widespread faith and hope” (p. 99).

The German Church’s accommodation of the Nazi regime reveals an appalling failure of basic Christian preaching and teaching. In Schlink’s understanding the failure of the churches was not so much caused by the persecution as revealed by it. “The forces outside the church showed up what was real in the life of these churches, and what was only an empty shell” (p. 100).

By God’s grace an astonishing renewal of the Church occurred as well. “The renewal began when the Church recognized the enemy’s attack as the hand of God … and when resistance to injustice became at the same time an act of repentance and of submission to the mighty hand of God” (p. 100). As the contrast with anti-Christian propaganda became more intense “the Church’s ears were re-opened to the Word of God. … But at the same time God’s Word challenged us, questioned the reality of our own religion, and forced us to recognize God simply and solely in His Word. Under the attack of neo-paganism, but especially through the power of God’s Word, its promises, and its demands, our usual attempts to see God’s revelation in other historical events and forms, ideas and words, save in the historic event of God’s revelation in Jesus Christ, completely broke down. … Jesus Christ, the Word made flesh, was recognized and acclaimed afresh as the sole Word of God” (p. 100).

One consequence of this sifting was the emergence of a strong Bible movement in the German Church carrying through into the post-war years. There also emerged a new feeling for the sacraments of the Church. Before the war, Communion services were infrequent and the number of communicants small. “People gathered afresh around the sacraments. The number of communion services and communicants increased. In the midst of all the tribulation and distress there awakened a new longing for the concrete, personal experience of receiving the body and the blood of the Incarnate Son of God Who has given Himself for us. … These communion services echoed the joy of the early Christians, to whom the body and blood of Christ were objects of the greatest joy and praise” (p. 101).

There were other signs of renewal. Schlink reports that under the persecution there emerged a great sense that the Church was the fellowship of those who confess and bear witness to the lordship of Christ. The term brother came very naturally into common use again as Christians discovered their solidarity across denominational lines. The liturgy was reshaped so that common prayers for those exiled and imprisoned were a more prominent feature. There was greater attentiveness to saying the creeds and ancient prayers which expressed the identification of the people with the Church of the ages. “Through these prayers we realized that across all distances and even across the war-fronts, we were one people with the worshippers in all nations” (p. 102).

The clergy experienced renewal. There was a new focus on the preaching of the Gospel and the administration of the sacraments as the chief work of the clergy, “which takes precedence over all other tasks. But it became especially clear that the Church cannot be led by anything but the voice of the Good Shepherd, as preached in the Word of God” (p. 102). There was a renewal in lay ministry. “Many elders then began to understand their task in a new way as that of watchmen. Many who had only listened to the Word before, now came forward to read to the congregation, or to give their own exposition of a passage of scripture. Many, who had never thought of doing so before, accompanied bereaved persons to the cemetery, so that the body should not be laid in the earth without a reading from scripture and a prayer. In addition to the old office of deacon, new duties were assumed; readers, catechists, both men and women, undertook the care of the poor and pastoral work, while young people taught the children” (p. 103). There was a new recognition that ordinary people in the daily work in factory, school and the military were presented with both the challenge and peril of Christian ministry and witness. “Hesitatingly, but with growing confidence, the Church in the Third Reich began to proclaim that in every sphere of life we owe obedience to God in Christ, proclaiming its message in the face of the world and helping the persecuted” (p. 104).

And then comes the stunning conclusion to Professor Schlink’s report. “All of this proved that the Church can only help, in the middle of the disorder of the world, by really being the Church. Its most important duty to the world consists in allowing itself to be re-made by the Word of God. When the Church derives its life solely from the Word of God made flesh, the witness of that word within the Church is bound to have effect in saving and bringing order into the world around. But if the Church bears witness to something other than this Lord, however well intentioned its advice, warning, help and sacrifice may be, it will only increase the disorder of the world” (p. 104).

In a time when the disorder of humankind asserts itself both in the Church and the world and the Church is again being sifted and sorted, albeit not as fiercely as under the Nazis, what can we say upon hearing this testimony of the German Church to us except amen and please God grant us their repentance and renewal.

The Rev. Leander S. Harding is dean of church relations and seminary advancement and associate professor of pastoral theology at Trinity School for Ministry.

Russian Orthodox Church Canonizes New Martyr Who Died at the Hands of the Nazis


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– Source: Orthodox Cognate

The Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia has canonized Russian national Alexander Schmorell, a native of Orenburg, who was executed by the Nazi regime in 1943 for organizing an anti-fascist student group called the White Rose, the Church Bulletin publication reported.

The ceremony to glorify St. Alexander of Munich, who was 25 yeas old when he died, ended in Germany this past weekend. He became the first new martyr glorified after canonical communion between the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia (ROCOR) was restored in 2007 following 80 years of separation.

[…]

Schmorell, born in 1917, was the son of a German who moved to Russia in the 19th century. His mother was the daughter of an Orthodox Christian priest. In 1921 the family decided to return to Germany and moved to Munich, where Schmorell became a parishioner of a Russian Orthodox church.

After returning from the front in 1942 following years of service in the German army as a military doctor, Schmorell organized, together with his colleagues Hans and Sophie Scholl and Christophe Probst, the White Rose movement and started distributing anti-Hitler leaflets. They were guillotined the following year.

The White Rose Movement: Conscience in Silent Nazi Germany

Source: Student Pulse | September 09, 2010 | By Ryan A Piccirillo

The morality of every person dictates the innate wrongness of genocide, and yet the world stood by as the Nazis sent millions to the gas chambers during the Holocaust. Historians and social scientists often attribute this moral failure to the blissfully feigned ignorance of the German people, enveloped in a blanket of fear propagated by the Nazi regime, and the indifference and prejudice of other nations. Total inaction was a remarkable failure of the human conscience, but a few brave college students in Munich proved to the world that conscientiousness still existed in the Fatherland. It is for their willingness to die to end the silence that The White Rose has become legendary.

Hans and Sophie Scholl were as typical teenagers during the period of the Third Reich: they enlisted in the Hitler youth organization and put their trust in the man behind its name who vowed to help the “fatherland to achieve greatness, fortune, and prosperity” (Scholl 6). Their sister Inge Scholl recalls that she and her siblings “entered into it with body and soul,” consumed wholly by the “mysterious power which swept [them] along” (Scholl 6). However, Hans quickly realized why his father disapproved of their involvement; he began to feel the stifling effects of fascism and was horrified by the heinous murders he witnessed. His readings of philosophical and theological texts augmented his disdain for the Nazi party. He allied with fellow University of Munich students of similar dispositions and began The White Rose movement to end the Nazi regime. His sister Sophie and Professor Kurt Huber, a philosophy professor at the University, would later join the cause. Dissent was not what made this group extraordinary; thousands of Germans, crippled with fear by Nazi propaganda, felt just as they did. What set the members of The White Rose apart was their unwillingness to remain silent and their selfless decision to act on their intuitions.

The White Rose’s publication and distribution of six leaflets calling for passive resistance against Hitler’s regime would eventually lead to the arrest and execution of its six core members. Although their deaths were followed by a deafening silence from the German people and the revolution they called for would never take place, it cannot be said that they gave their lives in vain; the courage of their actions would echo through history as evidence of conscience within silent Nazi Germany.

Leaflets of The White Rose

The first of the six leaflets produced by The White Rose movement opens, “Nothing is so unworthy of a civilized nation as allowing itself to be ‘governed’ by an irresponsible clique that has yielded to base instinct” (Scholl 73). The content of the six short pamphlets abounds with this message, appealing to German citizens’ intellect, intuition, and sense of shame. The message of the six leaflets evokes realizations about the evils of the National Socialist (Nazi) Party, the moral failure of German indifference and inaction, and calls for an intellectual uprising against the Nazi party. The authors rely heavily on the wisdom of great philosophers and thinkers to validate and reinforce their claims.

Fascism is a form of government which stifles personal expression, oppresses the weak and the different, and indoctrinates its citizens with a dangerous jingoistic spirit of service for the state. The argument against Third-Reich fascism in the first leaflet is supplemented by a passage from German poet and philosopher Freidrich Schiller’s “The Lawgiving of Lycurgus and Solon” which declares:

The state is never an end in itself; it is important only as a condition under which the purpose of mankind can be attained, and this purpose is none other than the development of all man’s powers, his progress and improvement. If a state prevents the development of the capacities which reside in man, then it is reprehensible and injurious, no matter how excellently devised, how perfect in its own way. (Scholl 75)

The authors of the leaflet use this passage to express the maxim that government is meant to serve the people, not the converse. In the third leaflet, the authors state that “according to God’s will, man is intended to pursue his natural goal, his earthly happiness, in self-reliance and self-chosen activity, freely and independently within the community of life and work of the nation” (Scholl 81). Fascism stifles personal growth and expression and stipulates that all members of the state should live solely to serve that state; the Nazi government under Hitler, operating in this fashion, has broken its contract with the people and violated the maxims defined by Schiller and God. Therefore the authors demand that the German people, “must work against the scourges of mankind, against fascism and any similar system of totalitarianism” (Scholl 74).

The leaflets offer a stern indictment of the German people’s indifference to the atrocities and oppressions of the National Socialist Party, calling on them to face their fears and stand up against the government or be remembered as cowards throughout history. The second leaflet asks, “Why do the German people behave so apathetically in the face of all these abominable crimes […] so unworthy of the human race?” (Scholl 78). In that same leaflet, the authors harshly criticize the German people for standing by and even encouraging their fascist leaders to murder thousands. The leaflet argues that any German who stands by silently as atrocities are committed, “is to blame for the fact that [they] came about at all” (Scholl 79). The authors appeal to the guilt felt by every German, despite their attitudes towards the Jewish race, for allowing so many to be senselessly murdered and for allowing their country to be overtaken by fascism through fear. These harsh assertions are not meant to alienate the readers but rather to convince them of the moral necessity for action.

The primary objective of The White Rose movement was to incite fervor for action in the hearts and minds of the German people. The third leaflet boldly welcomes all to the movement, declaring that “everyone is in a position to contribute to the overthrow of this system” (Scholl 82). However, the authors did not focus on the ability of every German to act, but rather on the necessity that every German act. The authors understood that to eradicate National Socialism from Germany required “the cooperation of many convinced, energetic people – people who are agreed to the means they must use to attain their goal.” Without enough people behind the movement, the goal would never be realized. The White Rose did not call for a murderous rebellion but rather for passive resistance, a peaceful sabotage of the Nazi machine – sabotage of publications, armories, and all institutions “in pay of the ‘government’ and that defend its ideology and aid in disseminating the brown lie” (Scholl 83). The White Rose understood that it did not have the weapons or military tact for a violent overthrow. Such an attempt would have resulted in the immediate defeat of the movement.

The fourth leaflet appeals to the religious instincts of the German people with a defiant call to action: “I ask you as a Christian […] Has God not given you the strength, the will to fight? We must attack evil where it is strongest, and it is strongest in the power of Hitler” (Scholl 86). The White Rose did not exist simply to educate the people of Germany about the philosophical and moral transgressions of its government; it existed to incite them to act out against that government so that the country could be saved from a legacy of disgrace.

Justice

Robert Scholl’s final words to his condemned son Hans were, “You will go down in history – there is such a thing as justice in spite of all of this” (Scholl 61). Despite the conclusion of the People’s Court of Germany, Robert’s assertion accurately captures the sentiment of the greatest thinkers on justice.

The charges levied against the members of The White Rose movement by the People’s Court of Germany for which they were convicted and executed included the following: “attempted high treason, namely by force to change the constitution of the Reich […], injuring the war potential of the Reich, and […] having attempted to cripple and weaken the will of the German people to take measures toward their defense and self-determination” (Scholl 105-106). The irony of the third of those charges demonstrates so vividly the warped interpretation of justice held by the People’s Court of Germany. However, the other two charges are accurate; indeed The White Rose was a treasonous group but one must understand that treason against a government which commits treason against humanity is noble. The People’s Court of Germany was the legislative branch of a government whose very foundation was at odds with moral justice; their ruling and sentencing of the members of The White Rose cannot be considered legitimate interpretations of justice. The propagation of truth is never, according to moral law, a punishable offense.

In his work Two Treatises of Government, philosopher John Locke argues “the end of government is the good of mankind,” and questions “which is best for mankind, that the people should be always exposed to the boundless will of tyranny, or that the rulers should be sometimes liable to be opposed when they grow exorbitant in the use of their power, and employ it for the destruction, and not the preservation of the properties of their people?” (Locke). Within these words Locke invokes a right of the people to revolt against a government which fails to serve its purpose, namely the preservation of the property of its citizens. The Nazi government betrayed this purpose to the extreme, limiting its citizens’ most sacred property: their lives. Locke would therefore see it as a right of the people of Nazi Germany to resist this government’s rule, for a government which breaks its social contract with its people is illegitimate. This social right proposed by Locke is further evidence that The White Rose movement was fully in accordance with the tenets of justice.

National Socialism under Hitler represented one of the most profound bastardizations of justice throughout history. In a normal society, laws must be followed to maintain order, but Nazi law disregarded the sanctity of human life. Martin Luther King, Jr. offered that “any law that degrades human personality is unjust” (King). By this definition, the entire system of fascism is a mockery of justice. King also demanded that “one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws” (King). His logic leads one to the undeniable conclusion that the members of The White Rose were among a minority who fulfilled their moral obligation to reject and resist Nazi rule.

Evaluation of Success

The members of The White Rose were unwilling to allow Germany’s history to be tarnished by an “irresponsible clique” (Scholl 73). They discovered through their own philosophical enlightenment that it was their moral duty, and the duty of every German, to stand up to the tyrannical government. In their final leaflet, the authors sum up their call to action with the following charge: “fight against the party!” (Scholl 92). Their goal was an all-encompassing intellectual rebellion in which all Germans would dissociate from the party and overthrow it by virtue of strength in numbers. Tragically, the members were executed before this goal could ever be realized. On the day of her execution, Sophie Scholl said of her impending doom, “What does my death matter if through us thousands of people will be stirred to action and awakened?” (Scholl 56). Unfortunately, Sophie’s hope was in vain for the months following her execution (and the executions of her colleagues) were dominated by the same Nazi fear-machine which kept the populace silent for years prior. No posthumous revolution took place. However, one should hesitate to call the movement a failure, for its significance is not diminished by this fact.

The White Rose movement served a secondary purpose – a purpose its members had hoped would be shared by all of Germany; it demonstrated to the world that within the largely silent populace of Nazi Germany there existed those with a conscience. It recognized the guilt felt by every German and the shared responsibility for the atrocities. In her introduction to Inge Scholl’s book on the movement and the war, author Dorothee Sölle reflects that “sometimes [she] felt that it was just for us, the next generation, that [the members of The White Rose] had died. […] I wonder if they died so that we would know there had been at least a few people in Germany, a few students among hundreds of thousands, with a conscience” (Sölle x). In the Leaflet of the Resistance, the authors recognize the potential disgrace of inaction: “Germans! […] Are we to be forever the nation which is hated and rejected by all mankind?” (Scholl 89). Through their actions, the members of The White Rose evidenced that Germany was not a nation of cruel anti-Semites without consideration for the value of human life. However, German guilt and shame are intensified by the fact that so few chose to act. When Dorothee Sölle reflects on the Holocaust, she feels “choked with shame that there were not more ‘white roses’ in the bleakest hour of [her] country’s history” (Sölle xiv). Though it failed to ignite an uprising momentous enough to topple Hitler and the National Socialist Party, The White Rose movement successfully preserved German dignity for future generations by having the courage to act.

The White Rose movement, like the stories of survival born from the Holocaust, demonstrates the capacity for human courage and morality. In the face of such horrific human-led atrocities, The White Rose movement contrasts the bleakest example of the capacity for evil which exists in humanity. Reflecting on the actions of her brother, sister, and their colleagues, Inge Scholl questions, “Were they heroes? They attempted no superhuman task. They stood up for a simple matter, an elementary principle: the right of the individual to choose his manner of life and to live in freedom” (Scholle 4). It is in fact because of this axiom that the members of The White Rose movement are indeed heroes; they overcame fear in a sea of cowardice and sacrificed their lives for the basic principle of freedom and the preservation of human dignity. Their actions epitomize heroism.

References

King, Jr., Martin Luther. “Letter From a Birmingham Jail.” 16 April 1963. Stanford University. 18 October 2009 .

Locke, John. “Two Trestises of Government.” 2003-2009. Lonang Library. 17 October 2009 .

Scholl, Inge. The White Rose. Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1983.

Sölle, Dorothee. “Introduction to the Second Edition: The Legacy of The White Rose.” Scholl, Inge. The White Rose. Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1983. ix-xiv.

Citation Information

Piccirillo, Ryan A. (2010). The White Rose Movement: Conscience in Silent Nazi Germany. Student Pulse, 2.09. Retrieved from: <http://www.studentpulse.com/a?id=282>

Renewing Christendom: T.S. Eliot – The Journey of the Magi [AUDIO]


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Below is a rare recording taken from a live interview T.S. Eliot did for the BBC during World War II. Eliot reads his poem “The Journey of Magi” where the sojourner retraces the steps of the Magi in his own time and place. The poem recalls a time when the knowledge of Christ was more widespread than it is today, and those who have come to the Orthodox faith and grasped the power of the Gospel of Jesus Christ that rests at its center, like a babe lying in the manger, will understand its penetration into the symbolic, and thus sacred, dimensions of every day existence.

I have included both the poem and a literary analysis alongside it that was written in 1956. We might quibble with the critic’s exaggerated sense of existential despair when he asserts that the new birth brings no new hope or clarified vision (the latter apparent in the last line), but overall it’s a fair-minded reading. Much literary criticism, like much historiography, was better before ideology captured the minds of our thinkers from the 1960s onward; when the religious foundation of culture was still perceived and acknowledged, even nominally. That foundation needs to be recovered and like Nehemiah, the walls need to be rebuilt.

T.S. Eliot was born in America in 1888 and moved to England in 1914 when he was 25 years old. He was naturalized a British subject two years later and converted to the Anglican Church from Unitarianism the same year. He proclaimed himself a “classicist in literature, royalist in politics, and anglo-catholic [sic] in religion.” (Source: Wikipedia.)

The recording begins with a short introduction and then follows with Eliot’s reading.

Listen here:

The Journey of the Magi by T.S. Eliot

On “The Journey of the Magi” by Grover Smith
“A cold coming we had of it,
Just the worst time of the year
For a journey, and such a journey:
The ways deep and the weather sharp,
The very dead of winter.’
And the camels galled, sore-footed,
refractory,
Lying down in the melting snow.
There were times we regretted
The summer palaces on slopes, the
terraces,
And the silken girls bringing sherbet.’

‘Then the camel men cursing and
grumbling
And running away, and wanting their
liquor and women,
And the night-fires going out, and the
lack of shelters,
And the cities hostile and the towns
unfriendly
And the villages dirty and charging high
prices:
A hard time we had of it.
At the end we preferred to travel all
night,
Sleeping in snatches,
With the voices singing in our ears,
saying
That this was all folly.’

‘Then at dawn we came down to a
temperate valley,
Wet, below the snow line, smelling of
vegetation;
With a running stream and a water-mill
beating the darkness,
And three trees on the low sky,
And an old white horse galloped in
away in the meadow.
Then we came to a tavern with
vine-leaves over the lintel,
Six hands at an open door dicing for
pieces of silver,
And feet kicking the empty wine-skins.
But there was no imformation, and so
we continued
And arrived at evening, not a moment
too soon
Finding the place; it was (you may say)
satisfactory.’

‘All this was a long time ago, I
remember,
And I would do it again, but set down
This set down
This: were we led all that way for
Birth or Death? There was a Birth,
certainly,
We had evidence and no doubt. I had
seen birth and death,
But had thought they were different;
this Birth was
Hard and bitter agony for us, like
Death, our death.
We returned to our places, these
Kingdoms,
But no longer at ease here, in the old
dispensation,
With an alien people clutching their
gods.
I should be glad of another death.’

Journey of the Magi” is the monologue of a man who has made his own choice, who has achieved belief in the Incarnation, but who is still part of that life which the Redeemer came to sweep away. Like Gerontion, he cannot break loose from the past. Oppressed by a sense of death-in-life (Tiresias’ anguish “between two lives”), he is content to submit to “another death” for his final deliverance from the world of old desires and gods, the world of “the silken girls.”

It is not that the Birth that is also Death has brought him hope of a new life, but that it has revealed to him the hopelessness of the previous life. He is resigned rather than joyous, absorbed in the negation of his former existence but not yet physically liberated from it. Whereas Gerontion is “waiting for rain” in this life, and the hollow men desire the “eyes” in the next life, the speaker here has put behind him both the life of the senses and the affirmative symbol of the Child; he has reached the state of desiring nothing. His negation is partly ignorant, for he does not understand in what way the Birth is a Death; he is not aware of the sacrifice.

Instead, he himself has become the sacrifice; he has reached essentially, on a symbolic level true to his emotional, if not to his intellectual, life, the humble, negative stage that in a mystical progress would be prerequisite to union. Although in the literal circumstances his will cannot be fixed upon mystical experience, because of the time and condition of his existence, he corresponds symbolically to the seeker as described by St. John of the Cross in The Ascent of Mount Carmel. Having first approached the affirmative symbol, or rather, for him, the affirmative reality, he has experienced failure; negation is his secondary option.

The quest of the Magi for the Christ child, a long arduous journey against the discouragement of nature and the hostility of man, to find at last, a mystery impenetrable to human wisdom, was described by Eliot in strongly colloquial phrases adapted from one of Lancelot Andrewes’ sermons of the Nativity:

A cold coming they had of it at this time of the year, just the worst time of the year to take a journey, and specially a long journey in. The ways deep, the weather sharp, the days short, the sun farthest off, in solstitio brumali, “the very dead of winter.”

Also in Eliot’s thoughts were the vast oriental deserts and the camel caravans and marches described in Anabase, by St.-J. Perse. He himself had begun work in 1926 on an English translation of that poem, publishing it in 1930. Other elements of his tone and imagery may have come from Kipling’s “The Explorer” and from Pound’s “Exile’s Letter.” The water mill was recollected from his own past; for in The Use of Poetry, speaking of the way in which “certain images recur, charged with emotion,” he was to mention “six ruffians seen through an open window playing cards at night at a small French railway junction where there was a water-mill.” In vivifying the same incident, the fine proleptic symbolism of “three trees on the low sky,” a portent of Calvary, with the evocative image of “an old white horse” introduces one of the simplest and most pregnant passages in all of his work:

Then we came to a tavern with vine-leaves over the lintel,
Six hands at an open door dicing for pieces of silver,
And feet kicking the empty wine-skins.

Here are allusions to the Communion (through the tavern “bush”), to the paschal lamb whose blood was smeared on the lintels of Israel, to the blood money of Judas, to the contumely suffered by Christ before the Crucifixion, to the soldiers casting lots at the foot of the Cross, and, perhaps, to the pilgrims at the open tomb in the garden.

The arrival of the Magi at the place of Nativity, whose symbolism has been anticipated by the fresh vegetation and the mill “beating the darkness,” is only a “satisfactory” experience. The narrator has seen and yet he does not fully understand; he accepts the fact of Birth but is perplexed by its similarity to a Death, and to death which he has seen before:

All this was a long time ago, I remember,
And I would do it again, but set down
This set down

This: were we led all that way for
Birth or Death?

Were they led there for Birth or for Death? or, perhaps, for neither? or to make a choice between Birth and Death? And whose Birth or Death was it? their own, or Another’s? Uncertainty leaves him mystified and unaroused to the full splendor of the strange epiphany. So he and his fellows have come back to their own Kingdoms, where,

… no longer at ease here, in the old dispensation,
With an alien people clutching their gods

(which are now alien gods), they linger not yet free to receive “the dispensation of the grace of God.” The speaker has reached the end of one world, but despite his acceptance of the revelation as valid, he cannot gaze into a world beyond his own.

From T.S. Eliot’s Poetry and Plays: A Study in Sources and Meaning. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956. Source: Modern American Poetry.

The Limits of Secularism


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An outsanding analysis by the Chief Rabbi of England Lord Sacks. Some highlights:

In 1997…I argued that the world had moved on since (Isaiah) Berlin’s great 1957 lecture “Two Concepts of Liberty” (.pdf), and that the threat to liberty was now different: not totalitarianism but rather the internal moral decay of free societies.

So there it is: the evidence that intellectuals have systematically misunderstood the nature of religion and religious observance and have constantly been thinking, for the better part of three centuries, that religion was about to disappear, yet it hasn’t. In certain parts of the world it is growing. The 21st century is likely to be a more religious century than the 20th. It is interesting that religion is particularly growing in places like China where the economy is growing.

We must ask ourselves why this is, because it is actually very odd indeed. Think about it: every function that was once performed by religion can now be done by something else. In other words, if you want to explain the world, you don’t need Genesis; you have science. If you want to control the world, you don’t need prayer; you have technology. If you want to prosper, you don’t necessarily seek God’s blessing; you have the global economy. You want to control power, you no longer need prophets; you have liberal democracy and elections.

If you’re ill, you don’t need a priest; you can go to a doctor. If you feel guilty, you don’t have to confess; you can go to a psychotherapist instead. If you’re depressed, you don’t need faith; you can take a pill. If you still need salvation, you can go to today’s cathedrals, the shopping centres of Britain — or as one American writer calls them, weapons of mass consumption. Religion seems superfluous, redundant, de trop. Why then does it survive?

My answer is simple. Religion survives because it answers three questions that every reflective person must ask. Who am I? Why am I here? How then shall I live? We will always ask those three questions because homo sapiens is the meaning-seeking animal, and religion has always been our greatest heritage of meaning. You can take science, technology, the liberal democratic state and the market economy as four institutions that characterise modernity, but none of these four will give you an answer to those questions that humans ask.

Source: Standpoint | Chief Rabbi Lord Sacks

In 1830 a young French aristocrat visited the United States to see the new phenomenon of American democracy built on the principled separation of Church and state. He naturally expected to find a secular society, a place where religion, having been deprived of power, had no influence either. What he found was exactly the opposite: a society that was very religious indeed, a society in which religion was, in his words, “the first of its political institutions” — or, as we would say today, the first of its civil institutions.

The young aristocrat was Alexis de Tocqueville, and in the book that he wrote about his experiences, namely his experience of American democracy, he said: “18th-century philosophers had a very simple explanation for the gradual weakening of beliefs: religious zeal was bound to die down as enlightenment and freedom spread.” In other words, Tocqueville was saying that every self-respecting 18th-century intellectual thought that religion was dying, in intensive care, and all that was needed was a little bit of help on its way — assisted suicide. “It is tiresome,” Tocqueville said, “that the facts do not fit this theory at all.” So he had this question: how come religion didn’t die when everyone said it would?

One hundred and eighty years have passed since Tocqueville wrote these words, but until very recently intellectuals have been making the same mistake. In America today, for example, a higher percentage of the population attends a house of worship weekly than is the case in the theocratic state of Iran: 40 per cent in the US, 39 per cent in Iran. Furthermore, in China today, half a century after Chairman Mao declared China to be religion-free, there are more practising Christians than there are members of the Communist Party. One way or another, religion didn’t die.

In 2009, the editor and the Washington correspondent of the Economist, John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge, published a book, God is Back — an extraordinary title to come from the staff of that magazine. In 2000 the Harvard sociologist Robert Putnam published a book called Bowling Alone, in which he developed his famous thesis that more Americans than ever are going ten-pin bowling but fewer than ever are joining ten-pin bowling clubs or leagues. In other words, they’re bowling alone. Putnam used this as his symbol for the loss of community in America, the loss of what American economists and sociologists call “social capital”. So in 2000 he was arguing that there’s no social capital left in America.

Ten years later, he published a book called American Grace, in which he documents his discovery that social capital is alive and well in America, in one place more than any other: in houses of worship. From four years of research, Putnam discovered that if you are a regular church or synagogue attendee, you are more likely to give money to charity than if you’re not a regular, regardless of whether the charity is religious or secular. You are also more likely to do voluntary work for a charity, give money to a homeless person, give excess change back to a shop assistant, donate blood, help a neighbour with their shopping, help someone with their housework, spend time with someone who is depressed, allow another driver to cut in front of you, offer a seat to a stranger or help someone find a job. There is no good deed among all of those on the survey that is more practised by secular Americans than by their religious counterparts.

It goes further than this: frequent worshippers are also more active citizens — they are more likely to belong to community organisations, especially those concerned with young people, or health or arts or leisure. They are more likely to join neighbourhood or civic groups, professional and fraternal associations. Within these groups they are more likely to be officers or committee members. They take a more active part in local civic life, from local elections to town meetings to demonstrations. They are disproportionately represented among local activists for social and political reform. They turn up, they get involved, they lead. And the margin of difference between them and secular Americans is large.

Religiosity turns out to be the best indicator of civic involvement: it’s more accurate than education, age, income, gender or race. Incidentally, religious regular synagogue or church goers are more likely to report themselves as being happier and they also live longer. Putnam’s book demonstrates that not only has religion not died, but that it is a fundamental and primary source of community and altruism. Furthermore, Putnam says that research in Britain — which is not yet published — confirms the same thing.

More recently, the Scottish historian Niall Ferguson says something remarkable towards the end of his book Civilisation: The West and the Rest. He recounts how the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences was tasked with the question of finding out how the West overtook China. Until about 1500, China was in advance of the West in virtually every aspect of technology: printing, ceramics, weaving, water-mills, and so on. But in the 1500s the West overtook China and stayed in advance of China until recently. So the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences was told to find out what it was about the West that gave it its unique advantage, and the Chinese scholars undertaking this investigation reported as follows:

At first we thought it was your guns, you had better and bigger guns than we had. Then we did some more study and we discovered no, it was your political system, it was democracy that gave you the better guns. Then we did a bit more research and we realised that it was your market, your economic system that gave you democracy that gave you the better guns. Except for the last 20 years we have realised it was your religion.

That was the discovery of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. I wrote a rather mischievous article about this for The Times, saying that today you may discover if you are a Western consumer of Christianity that your product has a “Made in China” label on it, but it’s still worth buying anyway.

So there it is: the evidence that intellectuals have systematically misunderstood the nature of religion and religious observance and have constantly been thinking, for the better part of three centuries, that religion was about to disappear, yet it hasn’t. In certain parts of the world it is growing. The 21st century is likely to be a more religious century than the 20th. It is interesting that religion is particularly growing in places like China where the economy is growing.

We must ask ourselves why this is, because it is actually very odd indeed. Think about it: every function that was once performed by religion can now be done by something else. In other words, if you want to explain the world, you don’t need Genesis; you have science. If you want to control the world, you don’t need prayer; you have technology. If you want to prosper, you don’t necessarily seek God’s blessing; you have the global economy. You want to control power, you no longer need prophets; you have liberal democracy and elections.

If you’re ill, you don’t need a priest; you can go to a doctor. If you feel guilty, you don’t have to confess; you can go to a psychotherapist instead. If you’re depressed, you don’t need faith; you can take a pill. If you still need salvation, you can go to today’s cathedrals, the shopping centres of Britain — or as one American writer calls them, weapons of mass consumption. Religion seems superfluous, redundant, de trop. Why then does it survive?

My answer is simple. Religion survives because it answers three questions that every reflective person must ask. Who am I? Why am I here? How then shall I live? We will always ask those three questions because homo sapiens is the meaning-seeking animal, and religion has always been our greatest heritage of meaning. You can take science, technology, the liberal democratic state and the market economy as four institutions that characterise modernity, but none of these four will give you an answer to those questions that humans ask.

Science will explain how but not why. It talks about what is, not what ought to be. Science is descriptive, not prescriptive; it can tell us about causes but it cannot tell us about purposes. Indeed, science disavows purposes. Second, technology: technology gives us power, but it does not and cannot tell us how to use that power. Thanks to technology, we can instantly communicate across the world, but it still doesn’t help us know what to say. As for the liberal democratic state, it gives us the maximum freedom to live as we choose, but the minimum direction as to how we should choose. The market gives us choices but it does not tell us what constitutes the wise or the good or the beautiful choices. Therefore, as long as we ask those questions, we will always find ourselves turning to religion.

Religion isn’t the only source of answers; there are other spheres that offer them, such as literature. But religion remains the main repertoire of those meaning-based questions. The fundamental argument that I make in my book The Great Partnership, subtitled “God, Science and the Search for Meaning”, is that science and religion are extreme cases of two different ways of thinking about the world. I use a metaphor to explain this, and I don’t mean anything more than a metaphor because precise neuroscience it isn’t — the brain is very complex and plastic — but I’ve said that science is the paradigm of left-brain thinking: it is atomistic, it is analytical, whereas religion is synthetic and integrative, a characteristic right-brain way of thinking. To summarise 120,000 words in a single sentence: “Science takes things apart to see how they work; religion puts things together to see what they mean.”

Those are two irreducibly different ways of thinking, and in the book I give lots of examples of other situations where we have two completely different ways of thinking. I look at the educational psychologist Jerome Bruner, who writes about the difference between systems and stories. Or the Harvard neuroscientist Carol Gilligan who writes about the different ways that men and women think about morality. Men tend to think in atomistic terms — what are my duties?-whereas women tend to think in relational terms: how do the various characters involved relate to one another?

Simon Baron Cohen, the Cambridge psychologist, has written a very interesting book called The Essential Difference, on autism and the gender differences between the ways we relate to each other. I also give examples from Richard Nisbett on East/West perceptions — the different ways that the Chinese, or in general people from the East, will describe a scene from the way that Americans will. Americans are very atomistic, they’re very left brain. The Chinese are very relational. Here is one simple example from the reading primer that children get in school. The American reading primer says: “See Dick run,” “see Dick play,” “see Dick run and play.” The Chinese equivalent says: “Big brother takes care of little brother,” “big brother loves little brother,” “little brother loves big brother”: it’s all about relationships.

These are fundamentally different ways of thinking, and religion and science are similarly different. The result is that, for a balanced personality, we have to have meaning dimensions and we have to have analytical explanatory dimensions, and they’re different. Trouble arises because not everyone realises the need to see with two eyes, with two hemispheres, to hear in stereo.

Denying this leads to two possible fallacies. The first is that religion is the only source of ultimate truth and religion can tell us that science is just wrong. The second is that science is the only ultimate truth and therefore science can tell us that religion is wrong. These are both fallacious ways of thinking.

Religion is not the only source but it is a key source of meaning. The result is that many scientists commit the fallacy of arguing that since science is the only way of understanding the universe, and since science does not yield meaning, it follows as a scientific fact that life has no meaning.

So you get Jacques Monod, for instance, saying, “Man must at last wake out of his millenary dream and discover his total solitude, his fundamental isolation. He must realise that like a gypsy he lives on the boundary of an alien world, a world that is deaf to his music and as indifferent to his hopes as it is to his sufferings or his crimes.” Or Steve Weinberg, the Nobel Prize-winning physicist, who says the more the universe seems comprehensible, the more it seems pointless. Now those are not scientific propositions. They are what happens if you are tone-deaf to meaning. In Judaism we can live with that, but in Judaism it is a mood not a truth. Here’s something in Judaism that sounds like Steve Weinberg or Jacques Monod:

Meaningless, meaningless, says the teacher, utterly meaningless, everything is meaningless. Man’s fate is the same as the animal’s, the same fate awaits them both: as one dies so does the other, all have the same breath, man has no advantage over the animal. Everything is meaningless. (Ecclesiastes 1.)

But we have enough of a sense of humour in Judaism to say: “You’re going to get out of this bad mood.” We can accept it as a mood, but it’s not a truth. And of course sometimes atheists — and I mean great atheists, really great atheists — can sound incredibly eloquent. The most eloquent piece of atheism I have ever read is by Bertrand Russell, who really was a stylish atheist, a serious atheist, and a thinker I like very much. Here is Bertrand Russell on a bad day:

That man is the product of causes, which had no provision of the end they were achieving. That his origin, his growth, his hopes, his fears, his loves and his beliefs are but the outcome of accidental collocations of atoms. That no fire, no heroism, no intensity of thought and feeling can preserve an individual life beyond the grave. That all the labours of the ages, all the devotion, all the inspiration, all the noon-day brightness of human genius is destined to extinction in the vast death of the solar system and that the whole temple of man’s achievement must inevitably be buried beneath the debris of a Universe in ruins. All these things if not quite beyond dispute are yet so nearly certain that no philosophy that rejects them can hope to stand. Only within the scaffolding of these truths, only on the firm foundation of unyielding despair can the soul’s salvation henceforth be safely built.

Isn’t that magnificent? But it’s possible to rewrite that passage from the opposite point of view, from a completely theistic perspective, and to say virtually the same thing. Here is my attempt at Bertrand Russell:

That man, despite being the product of seemingly blind causes, is not blind, that being in the image of God he is more than an accidental collocation of atoms, that being free he can rise above his fears and with the help of God create oases of justice and compassion in the wilderness of space and time. That though his life is short he can achieve immortality through his fire and his heroism, his intensity of thought and feeling. That humanity too, though it may one day cease to be, can create before that night falls a noon-day brightness of the human spirit. Trusting in that though none of our kind will be here to remember yet in the mind of God none of our achievements is forgotten. All of these things, if not beyond dispute have proven themselves time and again in history; we are made great by our faith, small by our lack of it. Only within the scaffoldings of these truths, only on the firm foundation of unyielding hope, can the soul’s salvation be safely built.

I never understood why it should be considered more courageous to despair than to hope. It takes courage to hope; it doesn’t take courage to despair. Freud said that religious faith is the illusion — the comforting illusion — that there is a father figure. But a religious believer could say to Freud that atheism is the comforting illusion that there is no father figure and you can get away with whatever you feel like doing. So I don’t know why atheism is somehow considered more heroic than theism; I call that an adolescent dream.

Nevertheless, I have tried in my book to quote only atheists and agnostics in my defence. My arguments are based on atheists like Nietzsche, agnostics like Wittgenstein and so on. And at the very beginning of the book I quote three thinkers whom we do not normally think of as religious people: Einstein, Freud and Wittgenstein, all of whom nevertheless say that the meaning of life is identical to the question of religion. Here are the direct quotes:

  • Albert Einstein: “To know and to answer the question, ‘What is the meaning of human life?’ is to be religious.”
  • Freud: “The idea of life having a purpose stands and falls with the religious system.”
  • Wittgenstein: “To believe in God is to see that life has a meaning.”

Then I quote Tom Stoppard, who said, “When we have found all the mysteries and lost all the meaning we will be alone on an empty shore.” I do not think we are alone because we have not lost the meaning.

It works the other way, too: if faith can respect science, so science can respect faith. Richard Dawkins says the following: “I think a case can be made that faith, the principled vice of any religion, is one of the world’s great evils, comparable to the smallpox virus, but harder to eradicate. Faith is a great cop-out.” However, Max Planck, the Noble Prize-winning physicist and founder of quantum theory, says, “Anyone who has seriously engaged in scientific work of any kind realises that over the entrance to the gates of the temple of science are written the words, ‘Ye must have faith’.” It is a quality with which the scientist cannot dispense.

Einstein says something similar: “But science can only be created by those who are thoroughly imbued with the aspiration towards truth and understanding. This source of feeling, however, springs from the sphere of religion, to this there also belongs the faith in the possibility that the regulations, valid for the world of existence, are rational — that is, comprehensible to reason. I cannot conceive of a genuine scientist without that profound faith.” He went on to make the famous utterance: “The situation may be expressed by an image: science without religion is lame, religion without science is blind.”

Finally, there is the world’s most profound atheist, Nietzsche: “It is still a metaphysical faith upon which our faith in science rests. That even we seekers after knowledge today, we godless anti-metaphysicians still take our fire too from the flame lit by a faith that is thousands of years old.” So Nietzsche says, if we didn’t have faith, why should we even regard truth as a value? If you’re a politician you don’t always want truth, you want power. Why should truth be a value, if not for the fact that we have religious faith? That is Nietzsche’s point.

I think we need both. We need religion and we need science. We need science to explain the universe and we need religion to explain the meaning of human existence. We stand to lose a great deal if we lose religious faith. We will lose our Western sense of human dignity. I think we will lose our Western sense of a free society. I think we will lose our understanding of moral responsibility. I think we will lose the concept of a sacred relationship, particularly that of marriage, and we will lose our concept of a meaningful life. I think that religious belief is fundamental to Western civilisation and we will lose the very heart of it if we lose our faith.

What I do not say is that it is impossible to be a thoroughgoing, insistent atheist. To the contrary, my doctoral supervisor, the late Sir Bernard Williams, one of the greatest philosophers of his age, was a thoroughgoing atheist, a categorical atheist, and I had enormous respect for him. However, his vision was ultimately a tragic one. He really believed that life had no meaning. I think he helped us understand what would happen to Europe if it were to lose its religious faith. In his finest book Shame and Necessity, he put forward the view that Europe today — Western civilisation today — is in the same basic state as the pre-Socratic Greeks. And he may well be right.

Last year Ferdinand Mount wrote an interesting book called Full Circle, in which he suggests that we are back in the situation of third-century BCE Greece. That makes a lot of sense to me; much of what we are hearing from philosophers and scientists today is very similar to the position of the Stoics, the Sceptics, the Cynics and the Epicureans. But that is not a happy place to be, because although people in third-century BCE Greece didn’t know it — it’s hard to know you’re living in BC anything — they were going to be followed by second-century BCE Greece, which experienced decline, after which Greece did not survive as a living society for very long. A century later it had more or less suffered a complete political eclipse.

If today can be seen as equivalent to third-century BCE Greece then our society is currently in decline, and I fear that this will happen if we lose our faith. Nevertheless, I have tried in The Great Partnership to find common ground with atheists, serious atheists, with Nietzsche and with others.

There is a passage that seems to me highly relevant to our current situation. Will Durant, an American historian writing between the 1930s and the 1960s, published an 11-volume work entitled The Story of Civilisation. In his younger days Durant wanted to be a priest, but he lost his faith and became instead one of the world’s greatest students of the history of civilisation. In Volume V he says something that I believe strikes a chord with where we are today:

A certain tension between religion and society marks the higher stages of every civilisation; at its height it gives people that unity of morals and belief that seem so favourable to statesmanship and art. Religion ends by fighting suicidally in the lost cause of the past. For as knowledge goes or alters continually, it clashes with mythology and theology which change with geological leisureliness. In other words science moves faster than rabbis and priests do, does that makes sense? They just travel faster so we can’t keep up. Priestly control of arts and letters is then felt as a galling shackle or hateful barrier and intellectual history takes on the character of a conflict between science and religion. Institutions that were first in the hands of the clergy, like law and punishment, education and morals, marriage and divorce tend to escape from ecclesiastical control and become secular, perhaps profane. The intellectual classes abandon the ancient theology, and after some hesitation the moral code allied with it. Literature and philosophy become anti-clerical. The movement of liberation rises to an exuberant worship of reason, and falls to a paralysing disillusionment with every dogma and every idea. Conduct, deprived of its religious supports, deteriorates into epicurean chaos. And life itself, shorn of consoling faith, becomes a burden alike to conscious poverty and weary wealth. In the end, a society and its religion tend to fall together like body and soul in a harmonious death.

This was written in the early 1950s, but anyone who has ever studied the history of civilisations, whether it be the 14th-century Islamic historian Ibn Khaldun or the 18th-century philosopher Giambattista Vico, or even atheists like John Stuart Mill or Bertrand Russell, has come to this conclusion: individuals may live good lives without religion — the moral sense is part of what makes us human — but a society never can, and morality is quintessentially a social phenomenon. It is that set of principles, practices and ideals that bind us together in a collective enterprise. The market and the state may be driven by the pursuit of interests but societies are framed by something larger and more expansive, by a shared vision of the common good. Absent this and societies begin to fragment. People start thinking of morality as a matter of personal choice. The sense of being bound together — the root meaning of “religion” — in a larger enterprise starts to atrophy and social cohesion is lost. The West was made by what is nowadays called the Judeo-Christian heritage which gave it its unique configuration of values and virtues. Lose that and we will lose Western civilisation as we have known it for the better part of two millennia.

Does Judaism have anything specific to add to this? One important insight is that almost from the beginning the rabbis sensed that science is one thing and religion another, and they do not clash. They are just different things. This is beautifully epitomised in the blessing that rabbis coined 2,000 years ago on seeing a great non-Jewish scientist: “Blessed is God…who gave of His wisdom to flesh and blood.”

Which scientists were the rabbis thinking about? They were Greeks or Romans. From the rabbis’ point of view they were pagans who opposed everything that Judaism stood for. Yet the rabbis themselves coined this blessing thanking God for such scientists, saying, in effect, “We think differently from you, we have fought battles with you, but nonetheless we respect your scientific prowess and so we make a blessing thanking God for you.” To recognise the independent integrity and religious dignity of science is an important thing for a religion to do.

Jews too are used to arguments. All the canonical texts of Judaism are anthologies of arguments. Therefore, if we are confident in our faith, we have nothing to fear from the findings of science and the challenges of atheism. In 2010 I made a television programme in which I had a series of conversations with four non-believers, three of whom were Jews: Howard Jacobson, Alain de Botton and Lisa Jardine, (the fourth was Oxford neuroscientist Professor Colin Blakemore). There was something enlarging about those encounters: honest, open, serious and civil.

Likewise I cherished my friendship with the late Sir Isaiah Berlin, a secular Jew. The first time he came to our house he said, “Chief Rabbi, whatever you do, don’t talk to me about religion: when it comes to God, I’m tone deaf.” Then he said, “What I don’t understand is how you who studied philosophy at Cambridge and Oxford can believe.” And I said, “Isaiah, if it helps, think of me as a lapsed heretic.” And he said, “Quite understand, dear boy, quite understand.”

In 1997 I published a book called The Politics of Hope, in which I argued that the world had moved on since Berlin’s great 1957 lecture “Two Concepts of Liberty”, and that the threat to liberty was now different: not totalitarianism but rather the internal moral decay of free societies. I asked him if he would be kind enough to take a look at the book, because I was keen to know his response. He told me to send him the book and he would let me know his thoughts. The months passed and I heard nothing, so I telephoned Headington House. Lady Berlin answered the phone and said, “Chief Rabbi, Isaiah’s just been talking about you.” Rabbis were not the usual subject of Isaiah Berlin’s conversations, so I asked in what context he had mentioned me, and she said, “Isaiah has just asked you to officiate at his funeral.” Clearly Isaiah knew. Four days later he died and I officiated at his funeral. His biographer, Michael Ignatieff, asked me why Isaiah, a secular Jew, wanted a religious funeral. I said — I hope I didn’t get it wrong — that Isaiah may have been a secular Jew but he was a loyal Jew. So I felt a strong kinship with him, even though his religious views were different from mine.

This sense of kinship across intellectual divides is the Jewish equivalent of the lovely English idea of “dining with the opposition” — the ability to sustain personal friendships even when our views are opposed. That human bond is lost when scientists and religious leaders hurl abuse at one another, vilifying and misrepresenting each other’s views. That cannot be good for religion or for science or for the future of the humanity we share.

So I return finally to where I began, with Robert Putnam. Putnam argued in his book American Grace, that what makes the difference to people, turning them into good citizens and good neighbours, is belonging to a community, rather than what people believe. He wrote that an atheist who goes regularly to synagogue or to church is likely to be a better human being than a religious believer who never joins a community.

In a surprising way the rabbis suggested something similar. A famous rabbinic text has God saying, “Would that they disbelieved in Me but studied My Torah. For if they study My Torah, its light will bring them back to Me.” That is a very radical statement, and it is a basis on which believer and non-believer can join hands in friendship. The sociologist of religion Grace Davie said about English Christianity that it consists of believing without belonging. The Jewish community tends to be the opposite: belonging without necessarily believing. We now know, courtesy of Robert Putnam, that it is the belonging that makes the difference.

I once defined faith as the redemption of solitude. It sanctifies relationships, builds communities, and turns our gaze outward from self to other, giving emotional resonance to altruism and energising the better angels of our nature. These are some of the gifts of our encounter with transcendence, and whether it is love of humanity that leads to the love of God or the other way round, it remains the necessary gravitational force that keeps us, each, from spinning off into independent orbits, binding us instead into the myriad forms of collective beatitude. A society without faith is like one without art, music, beauty or grace, and no society without faith can endure for long.


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